Myanmar's revolution stands at a crossroads. After suffering historic defeats, the junta is clawing back ground-not through its own strength, but through the shadow cast by Beijing. China's hand is pressing down on the revolutionary movement, protecting its own pipelines and ports while betraying the aspirations of the people.

If the AA captures Kyaukphyu, that hollow claim of authority will collapse even further. China, which prioritizes the security of its pipelines and port, may no longer rely on the junta as its sole partner.

The recent arrival at Teknaf port of rice exported from the AA-controlled port in Maungdaw is a likely sign of things to come.

The junta's trade blockades, which aim to cripple the AA, have had little success militarily but have inflicted severe hardship on millions of civilians in Arakan State who are now struggling to access food.

Foreign nations' continued sale of aviation fuel and weapons to the Myanmar regime are tantamount to complicity in the war crimes being perpetrated by the junta on a near-daily basis.

The repatriation of Myanmar Muslims from overcrowded refugee camps in Bangladesh is a stated aim that both the ousted civilian government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the current military regime have failed to achieve.

China has a veritable treasure trove in Myanmar. It is not a treasure trove of gold and silver typical of an adventure story. Located in Arakan State in western Myanmar, the treasure trove provides Beijing with direct access to the Indian Ocean and potential economic prosperity.

In Arakan State, which has been hit hardest by the regime’s war crimes in recent months, the junta is violating the 1948 Genocide Convention.

Myanmar’s military regime is determined to leave a legacy of racial and religious conflicts in Arakan State even if it is forced to leave the state.

Many Arakanese people perceive the latest hostilities between the military and AA in terms of a “last battle,” which will determine whether they escape out from under the boot of oppression or remain there for the foreseeable future.

A country’s news media are the eyes and ears of the public. In its efforts to suppress the press, this junta betrays its intent to forcibly close the eyes and ears of the public.

Cases of rape of minors have been on the rise around the world, including in developed countries. While the death penalty is imposed for sexual assaults of minors in some countries, the maximum sentence in Myanmar is life imprisonment. 

The organised guns have largely fallen silent in Arakan State since the Myanmar military and Arakan Army (AA) observed a humanitarian ceasefire in late November of last year, but civilians’ fears for their own safety have arguably only grown in Arakan State.

Migrants leave the country either legally or illegally, and those who hope to leave are easy targets for human traffickers.

Myanmar’s education system was well-admired in Southeast Asia from the colonial period to more than a decade after independence. But it has been deteriorating since General Ne Win seized power in 1962.

Hundreds of thousands of houses were either damaged or destroyed by Cyclone Mocha, which hit Arakan State on May 14. The vast majority of storm victims are still struggling to rise from the wreckage.

Sittwe, Pauktaw, Rathedaung and Kyauktaw townships were hit hardest by the storm, which was also felt strongly in Myebon and Mrauk-U townships.

However, relief efforts by international aid agencies and local civil society organisations have been severely hampered by junta travel restrictions.

Following its failed talks...

A land ever in the midst of storms, Arakan State now reels from the latest, Cyclone Mocha, which slammed into the Arakan coast on May 14. Telecommunications links have been spotty at best in the days since, leading to delays in communicating and understanding the extent of the devastation. 

There is a growing demand for illicit narcotics among people in Arakan State. The ranks of Arakan State’s drug users has grown and its average age has gotten younger; indeed, it is not uncommon these days to see children as young as 12 or 13 years old using illicit narcotics. 

The military regime, meanwhile, is not likely to put a high priority on the people’s wellbeing in this regard because they are mainly focused on maintaining their power.