Hundreds of thousands of houses were either damaged or destroyed by Cyclone Mocha, which hit Arakan State on May 14. The vast majority of storm victims are still struggling to rise from the wreckage.

Sittwe, Pauktaw, Rathedaung and Kyauktaw townships were hit hardest by the storm, which was also felt strongly in Myebon and Mrauk-U townships.

However, relief efforts by international aid agencies and local civil society organisations have been severely hampered by junta travel restrictions.

Following its failed talks...

A land ever in the midst of storms, Arakan State now reels from the latest, Cyclone Mocha, which slammed into the Arakan coast on May 14. Telecommunications links have been spotty at best in the days since, leading to delays in communicating and understanding the extent of the devastation. 

There is a growing demand for illicit narcotics among people in Arakan State. The ranks of Arakan State’s drug users has grown and its average age has gotten younger; indeed, it is not uncommon these days to see children as young as 12 or 13 years old using illicit narcotics. 

The military regime, meanwhile, is not likely to put a high priority on the people’s wellbeing in this regard because they are mainly focused on maintaining their power.

In developed countries, governments and local leaders give top priority to education and invest significant human and financial resources in their education sectors.

January 4, 2023, marked the 75^th anniversary of Myanmar gaining independence from British colonial rule. But Myanmar people have never really tasted the essence of independence. 

At least 594 people were detained by the Myanmar military during that period. At least 59 others were detained by the AA, and the number of people displaced by the fighting topped 230,000 by August 2020.

The regime has turned its back on the people, as it is busy trying to maintain its grip on power. Making matters worse, it has warned social organisations against soliciting donations for internally displaced people (IDPs), restricted the humanitarian operations of international nongovernmental organisations and local charities, and detained and prosecuted several members of social and aid groups. 

Rural residents in Arakan State are thus experiencing more health problems since the military junta cut off supply routes amid renewed fighting between its troops and the Arakan Army (AA) over recent months. 

It was followed by fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army (AA) in 2019. Some town residents were killed by artillery strikes, others died in military custody, and some went missing during approximately two years of fighting that ended in late 2020. Sadly, there were also cases in which town residents died in AA custody.

Add to that the relative stability of commodity prices in Thailand compared with Myanmar, and it is little wonder that millions of Myanmar workers find living circumstances across the border to be cheaper and more lucrative, and seek jobs there accordingly.  

Geographically, Arakan State is separated from mainland Myanmar by the Arakan Roma mountain range. Because the state today does not produce enough food for its own population and relies on the mainland for many other goods as well, consumers in Arakan State are at the mercy of the efficiency of transportation networks that connect Myanmar proper and its west coast. 

The Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank, meanwhile, has not disbursed agricultural loans to farmers who have not repaid their debts from last year. But as of late April, only 7 percent of Arakan State farmers had paid back the agricultural loans that they took out in 2021, according to the state branch of the Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank. This crimping of the agriculture financing spigot is an obvious contributing factor to the exodus of farmers in Arakan State.

The Myanmar military is tightening security measures and conducting door-to-door visits in almost every township in Arakan State. With military personnel interrogating pedestrians and strictly scrutinising drivers at traffic checkpoints, locals are worried that fighting could soon resume in Arakan State. 

From the time of independence to the time of the current military coup junta, many Burmese leaders have failed to show goodwill toward Arakan State and the Arakanese people. Successive leaders have exploited Arakan State, and Arakan State has been paid only as part of the Union. Ethnic groups continue to suffer from inequalities in state and divisional budget allocations.

In the months since the military coup on February 1, 2021, commodity prices have skyrocketed in Myanmar. Not only basic foodstuffs produced locally but also fuel and building materials imported from abroad have gone up significantly in price.

Fast-forward to 2022, and it is much of the rest of Myanmar that is roiled by conflict and tragedy, while Arakan State has seen almost none of the violence between the military regime and anti-junta forces that has been an almost daily occurrence since the coup on February 1, 2021. A casual observer might even describe this as a period of relative peace for Arakan State — but it is, if anything, an uneasy peace at best. 

In any given nation, there will be government and the governed. That is why the role of the press, a nation’s fourth pillar, first emerged. The term “fourth pillar” (aka “fourth estate”) refers to a hoped-for equal standing among the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government and the media, all of which are tasked with working for the benefit of the people. 

The ramming of a military vehicle at high speed into a group of young protesters is emblematic of the callous disregard for human life that this regime has exhibited since taking power. The incident on December 5 offers a glimpse of the junta’s attitude toward the people. In an amateurish attempt at gaslighting, state media subsequently claimed that “security forces conducted the crowd dispersal operation in line with the regulations.” There is irrefutable video evidence that says otherwise.